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公开处决掩盖不了皮特·赫格塞思的失败A Public Execution Won’t Distract From Pete Hegseth’s Failures

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皮特·赫格塞斯的嗜杀掩盖不了他的军事失败当伊斯兰国仍然经常通过死亡与恐怖视频走红网络时,伟大小说家乔伊斯·卡萝尔·奥茨在社交媒体上写道:“我们听到的关于ISIS的,全是清教徒式的与惩罚性的;难道就没有庆祝性的与欢乐的吗?”这条帖子引发广泛困惑;在伊斯兰国杀戮横行之后,“ISIS”与“欢乐”似乎格格不入。

Pete Hegseth’s Bloodlust Doesn’t Hide His Military Failures Back when the Islamic State was still regularly going viral with videos of death and horror, the great novelist Joyce Carol Oates observed on social media, “All we hear of ISIS is puritanical & punitive; is there nothing celebratory & joyous?”The post caused widespread bafflement; “ISIS” and “joyous” seemed odd bedfellows after the Islamic State’s murderous rampage.

但对于某类人来说,欢乐与惩罚性杀戮是相辅相成的。当然,ISIS领导人可能发布过关于他们将如何恢复伊斯兰伟大的信息,但他们真正想招募进队伍的人,是那些被电视化的死亡所刺激的人。

But for a particular sort of person, the joyousness and the punitive murderousness went hand in hand. Sure, ISIS leaders might have put out messages of how they’d restore Islamic greatness, but the people they really wanted in their ranks were those titillated by televised death.

如今,如果我打开社交媒体,不小心撞见有人被杀的视频,更有可能来自我自己的政府。该政府已发布数十段加勒比海船只爆炸和中东空袭的视频。即使配有庆祝屠杀的人工智能生成图像,这些视频也不再令人震惊。我们似乎被鼓励将杀戮不仅视为军事政策,更视为娱乐。

These days if I open social media and inadvertently stumble on a video of people being killed, it’s more likely to be from my own government. The administration has posted dozens of videos of boats blowing up in the Caribbean and airstrikes in the Middle East. They cease to shock, even when they’re accompanied by A.I.-generated imagery celebrating the slaughter. We seem to be encouraged to think of killing not simply as military policy, but as entertainment.

现在,皮特·赫格塞斯宣布,公众将能够观看12月3日对尼达尔·哈桑的行刑队处决。哈桑在2009年于胡德堡开枪射击,造成13人死亡、32人受伤。五角大楼表示,计划对该事件进行直播。

Now, Pete Hegseth has announced that the public will be able to watch the Dec. 3 firing squad execution of Nidal Hasan, who killed 13 people and injured 32 others when he opened fire at Fort Hood in 2009. The Pentagon has said it is planning to livestream the event.

据赫格塞斯先生称,“人们需要明白,做这类事情会有严重后果”,这一信息据称将通过看到高速子弹贯穿人体的画面来强调。普通民众可能不会接受他想要传授的教训。

According to Mr. Hegseth, “People need to understand that there’s serious consequences for these types of things,” a message that will supposedly be underlined by seeing high-velocity bullets rip through human flesh. Everyday citizens might not take the lesson he wants to impart.

当哲学家阿尔贝·加缪的父亲在1914年目睹一名杀童凶手的公开处决时,他的反应是冲回家,躺在床上呕吐。加缪写道:“他刚刚发现了掩盖在高尚词句下的真实。” “他本该想到被屠杀的孩子,却只能想到那具刚被扔到木板上、正要被斩首的颤抖的身体。” 显然,国防部长正寄希望于更残忍的公众。

When the father of the philosopher Albert Camus witnessed the public execution of a child-murderer in 1914, his reaction was to rush home, take to his bed and vomit. “He had just discovered the reality hidden under the noble phrases with which it was masked,” Camus wrote. “Instead of thinking of the slaughtered children, he could think of nothing but that quivering body that had just been dropped onto a board to have its head cut off.”Clearly, the secretary of defense is banking on a more sadistic public.

两党议员都反对五角大楼的现场直播处决计划,副总统JD·范斯也表示他不会观看。

Lawmakers from both parties have opposed the Pentagon’s plan to livestream the execution, and Vice President JD Vance has said that he would not watch it.

我怀疑正义问题是赫格塞特先生的真实动机。他的职业生涯长期将对暴力的庆祝与对我们所杀之人是否为敌人的极少关切混为一谈。作为评论员,他曾主张对克林特·洛朗斯等战争罪犯予以赦免,后者下令向阿富汗平民开火,却很快被其经战斗考验的排斥离。作为国防部长,他削弱了防止平民被杀的制度性制约,裁减了超过80%的专注于伤害缓解的五角大楼员工,并公开表现出愿意实施战争罪行的倾向,例如他声明我们将对敌人“不给任何宽恕”。

I doubt questions of justice are Mr. Hegseth’s real motivation. His career has long mixed celebrations of violence with disturbingly little concern for whether the people we kill are enemies. As a pundit, he advocated pardoning war criminals such as Clint Lorance, who ordered fire on Afghan civilians and was quickly turned in by his combat-tested platoon. As the secretary of defense, he gutted institutional checks to prevent the killing of civilians, cutting more than 80 percent of the Pentagon employees who focus on harm mitigation, and broadcast an apparent willingness to commit war crimes, as in his statement that we will give “no quarter” to our enemies.

有时他把宗教与对残暴的嗜好混在一起。3月25日的一次礼拜中,他引用了诗篇3篇,祈求上帝“折断不敬虔者的牙齿”,并请求上帝帮助士兵“对那些不值得怜悯的人施展压倒性的行动暴力”。黑格塞斯辩称他的夸张言论是必要的,因为这有助于恢复美国的“战士文化”,而他声称这种文化在我们优先提升女性和有色人种、放宽标准以及接受跨性别者进入军队时就已经丧失了。

Sometimes he mixes religion with his taste for savagery. At a March 25 service, he quoted Psalm 3, praying for God to “break the teeth of the ungodly,” and asking him to aid soldiers with “overwhelming violence of action against those who deserve no mercy.”Mr. Hegseth justifies his bombast as necessary for restoring America’s “warrior culture,” which was lost, he alleges, when we prioritized the elevation of women and people of color, loosened standards and accepted transgender people in the ranks.

“意识形态的小丑已经出局,”他最近宣称。“爱国的牛仔正在登场。”与此同时,他对21世纪战争所面临挑战的好奇心似乎格外缺乏。观看他在2025年向军队指挥官、2026年向连级军官发表的电视讲话,阐述他对军队的愿景,就会让人以为美国在最近战争中的失败是由于“怪人”、“留胡子的人”、“懦夫”和跨性别者造成的。

“The ideological clowns are out,” he recently declared. “The patriotic cowboys are in.”All the while, he’s displayed a curious incuriosity about the challenges of 21st-century warfare. To watch his televised addresses laying out his vision to military commanders in 2025 and company-grade officers in 2026, you would think that the failures of America in its recent wars were a result of “weirdos,” “beardos,” “wimps” and transgender people.

换言之,这对诸如奥巴马总统在阿富汗下令的增兵行动等局限性的诊断,可以说是相当古怪的。

That is, to put it mildly, a peculiar diagnosis of the limits of, say, the surge that President Barack Obama ordered in Afghanistan.

黑格塞斯作为领导人的记录几乎没有表明暴力视频能确保战略成功。尽管他在3月4日宣称伊朗已经“完蛋”,而我们正“毫不留情”地取得胜利,但战争仍在拖延,对美国国家安全和公民造成明显代价,且没有通向决定性胜利的明确道路。

Mr. Hegseth’s record as a leader has hardly suggested that violent videos ensure strategic success. Despite his March 4 claim that Iran was “toast” and we were winning “without mercy,” the war drags on, with obvious costs to American national security and citizens and no clear path to decisive victory.

公开处决与在社交媒体上展现强硬姿态,都无法长久掩盖战略上的失败。真正在战场上立下功勋的人通常不会如此夸夸其谈。乔治·华盛顿视战争为一种他希望“从世上根除的瘟疫”;尤利西斯·S·格兰特则抱怨道:“人们称我为‘战争之人’,可我从来都不是战争之人。”他还说:“每次入伍我都满怀遗憾,每次退伍又满心欢喜。”

A public execution and social media toughness cannot long distract from strategic failure. Men with real accomplishments on the battlefield don’t tend to talk this way. George Washington thought war a “plague” he wished “banished from the earth.”Ulysses S. Grant complained that “I am called a man of war, but I never was a man of war,” and said, “I never went into the Army without regret and never retired without pleasure.”

德怀特·艾森豪威尔也曾坦言:“只有亲身经历过战争的军人才能真正厌恶战争;只有目睹过战争的残酷、徒劳与愚蠢的人才能如此。”这些伟人都不符合赫格塞特所推崇的“战士文化”,因为他们始终严肃对待战争的恐怖性及其道德层面的沉重代价。

Dwight Eisenhower declared, “I hate war as only a soldier who has lived it can, only as one who has seen its brutality, its futility, its stupidity.”None of these men would fit into the “warrior culture” Mr. Hegseth models, because they took the horror and the moral stakes of war seriously.

我们很难直面过去二十年里在阿富汗发动的一场失败战争。这场战争究竟造成了怎样的人道代价?为避免重蹈覆辙,我们究竟需要在哪些方面做出改变?诚实地回答这些问题需要勇气——尤其是对于那些视这场战争的失败不仅是一场人间悲剧、更是个人耻辱的军人而言。并非所有人都能迎接这一挑战;毕竟他们大可以躲进那种“屈辱型民族主义”的庇护之下,这种主义毫无实证依据地坚称:只要施以更多残酷手段、更多地颂扬暴力,一切问题就能迎刃而解。

It’s hard to confront the two decades we devoted to a failed war in Afghanistan. What is the human cost of what we wrought? What, practically, do we need to change so that we never do that again? Answering those questions truthfully takes courage, especially if you’re the sort of soldier for whom the war’s failure wasn’t just a human tragedy, but a personal humiliation. Not everyone can rise to the challenge, not when you can take refuge in a humiliated nationalism which insists, without much evidence, that all your problems would be solved with more cruelty, more celebrations of violence.

如今,我们被强行观看直播形式的处决画面——这种场景在抽象层面或许容易想象,但真正亲眼目睹却令人难以承受。当高速飞行的子弹穿透人体时,子弹本身便会开始翻滚。不妨想象一艘快艇急转弯时激起的层层波浪:子弹在行进路径上击穿软组织、粉碎骨骼,而其产生的“尾波”同样会造成破坏——它能撕裂肌肉、碾碎内脏。

Now we’re being offered livestreamed death, something easier to imagine in the abstract than to actually see. When the human body is penetrated by a high-velocity bullet, the bullet begins to tumble. Imagine a speedboat making a sharp turn, sending waves rippling outward. The bullet punches holes in soft tissue and shatters bone in its direct path, but the wake of the bullet does its own damage. It can sever muscles and pulp organs.

在我服役于伊拉克的基地的医疗设施里,我偶尔会看到那些受伤的人。一次,我偷看了两名被俘的敌方战斗人员。我不知道看到他们躺在那里时该有什么感觉。是胜利感?是正义感?当你凝视一具被毁的人的身体时,很难产生这种情绪。

At the medical facility on the base where I served in Iraq, I occasionally saw people with those injuries. On one occasion, I peeked in on a pair of captured enemy fighters. I didn’t know what I was supposed to feel, looking at them, laid out as they were. A sense of triumph? Of justice? It’s difficult to feel such emotions as you gaze at a ravaged human body.

我认为国防部长就在这里算错了算盘。迄今为止,政府通过电视向公众展示的各种死亡形式都是抽象的。要么是建筑物或船只的画面,随后是一场爆炸。它们没有向我们展示我们同胞的身体在生命被夺去时的情形。

And that’s where I think the secretary of defense has miscalculated. The various forms of televised death the administration has put out to this point have been abstract. A video feed of a building or boat and then an explosion. They don’t show us the bodies of our fellow human beings as their lives are snuffed out.

当尼达尔·哈桑——在其屠杀狂潮中被枪击导致下半身瘫痪——被推上轮椅并摆在摄像机前时,美国人将会面对一种截然不同的死亡面孔。那是一张回望的面孔。那是一具在子弹作用下抽搐扭动的身体。我们真的想看到吗?

When Nidal Hasan, who was paralyzed from the waist down after being shot during his killing spree, is wheeled out and set before the cameras, Americans will experience a very different face of death. One that stares back. One that jerks and twists as the bullets do their work. Do we really want to see?

菲尔·克莱(Phil Klay)是一名小说家,也是伊拉克战争的美国海军陆战队老兵,著有散文集《不确定的土地:无尽且隐形战争时代的公民身份》。他在费尔菲尔德大学主持创意写作文学硕士项目。

Phil Klay, a novelist and a Marine Corps veteran of the Iraq war, is the author of the essay collection “Uncertain Ground: Citizenship in an Age of Endless, Invisible War.”He directs the creative writing M.F.A. program at Fairfield University.

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