
随着市长马姆达尼的社会主义阵营中喧闹的成员指责他对警察仇恨不足,指责纽约警察局局长杰西卡·蒂施,并称他为对巴勒斯坦人的“卖国贼”和“叛徒”,市长突然发现自己处于一个非常奇怪的境地。
As noisy elements of Mayor Mamdani’s socialist rabble accuse him of insufficiently hating the police and NYPD Commissioner Jessica Tisch, and of being a “sell out” and “traitor” to Palestinians, the mayor suddenly finds himself in a very strange position.
他在哥谭市的历史上是迄今为止最激进的反警察、反以色列和富人增税的市长。
He is by far the most radical anti-police, anti-Israel and tax-the-rich mayor in Gotham’s history.
他如今成为他曾率领进入市政厅的运动的目标,这凸显了当下时刻的荒谬——以及该运动本身的荒谬。
That he is now a target of the movement he led into City Hall highlights the absurdity of the moment — and the movement.
被他的崛起所蒙蔽,他阵营中的一些活动人士似乎认为他们突然掌握的权力是绝对的,无需承认或与持相反观点的纽约人进行谈判。
Blinded by his rise, some activists in his camp appear to believe their sudden hold on power is absolute and there is no need to recognize or negotiate with those New Yorkers who hold opposing views.
在马姆达尼的内部折磨者中,达里亚莉萨·阿维拉·雪瓦利耶格外突出。
Among Mamdani’s in-house tormentors, Darializa Avila Chevalier stands out.
她去年夏天赢得了民主党初选,以取代长期任职的国会议员阿德里亚诺·埃斯皮亚拉特,但在马姆达尼背书之前,她在上曼哈顿和布朗克斯选区鲜为人知。
She won her Democratic primary to unseat long-term congressional incumbent Adriano Espaillat last summer, but was little known in the upper Manhattan and Bronx district until Mamdani endorsed her.
她吃自己的失败,未能认识到自己权力或他的任何限制,正在对他进行恶毒的攻击。在她视野狭窄的看法中,他的主要罪过是没有解雇蒂施。
Eating their own Failing to recognize any limits on her power or his, she is turning her nasty attacks on him. In her blinkered view, his main sin is not firing Tisch.
她的爆发是在最近一起事件之后发生的:移民与海关执法局特工开枪击中并击伤了一名有犯罪记录的通缉非法移民,该人正试图驾车逃脱,车后座还有一个孩子。
Her blow-up followed a recent incident in which ICE agents shot and wounded a wanted illegal immigrant with a criminal record who was trying to escape in his car, with a child in the back seat.
“昨晚,纽约警察局和蒂施局长违背了我们庇护城市政策的精神(如果不是字面意思的话),并助长了特朗普政府试图妖魔化我们社区的企图,”雪瓦利耶格在社交媒体上的一篇牢骚帖子中写道,她在那里要求蒂施下台。
“Last night, the NYPD and Commissioner Tisch violated the spirit, if not the letter, of our sanctuary city policies and fueled the Trump Administration’s attempt to demonize our communities,” Chevalier wrote in a rant on social media, where she demanded that Tisch get the boot.
市政厅对此不以为然,并将她的攻击视为一名需要市长支持才能获胜的候选人的背后捅刀。
City Hall was not amused, and regarded her attack as back-stabbing by a candidate who wanted and needed the mayor’s support to win.
正如一位助手向《华盛顿邮报》描述的那样,即使在她赢得大选并就职之前,谢瓦利埃的激烈言论“就是对曼达尼的直接破坏”。她一类人的历史是,在被边缘化之后,他们尝到了自己渴望的权力的滋味,随后立刻开始自相残杀。
As one aide described it to The Post, even before she wins the general election and takes office, Chevalier’s screed “is a direct undermining of Mamdani.”The history of her ilk is that, after being relegated to the sidelines, they get a taste of the power they lusted for and immediately begin eating their own.
这并非哥谭式部落政治所独有,但随着亲巴勒斯坦人士、反犹太主义者和仇恨警察的人们称曼达尼为“卖国贼”,他在就职以来首次在自己的后院面临动荡的考验。
It’s not unique to Gotham’s brand of tribal politics, but with pro-Palestinians, antisemites and police haters calling Mamdani a sellout, he faces his first test of turmoil in his backyard since taking office.
显然,许多纽约人厌恶他,但随着一些同志也在追击他,他突然成为一小撮当选官员之一。
He is obviously reviled by many New Yorkers, but with some of his comrades also hounding him, he is suddenly a member of a select group of elected officials.
也许现代史上最著名的例子是林登·约翰逊,他在近六十年前,在努力挽救自己陷入困境的总统任期时,被所谓的盟友所围攻。
Perhaps the most famous example in modern history is that of Lyndon Johnson, who nearly six decades ago was hounded by supposed allies as he struggled to save his sinking presidency.
在继承约翰·F·肯尼迪血染的衣冠之后,约翰逊决心不再长期处于已故总统的阴影之下。
After picking up the bloodied mantle of John F. Kennedy, Johnson was determined not to live any longer in the shadows of the slain president.
他启动了一项宏大的议程,称为“伟大社会”,这是一项极其大胆的尝试,旨在扩大联邦政府的作用,并将自由和机遇的福祉扩展到更多美国人。
He embarked on a sweeping agenda, called the Great Society, which was an incredibly bold attempt to expand the federal government’s role and spread the bounty of freedom and opportunity to more Americans.
通过与共和党人合作并施压犹豫不决的国会民主党人,约翰逊为黑人公民保障了民权和投票权,创建了医疗保险和医疗补助,并建设了大规模的公共住房项目,同时还启动了公共广播。
By working with Republicans and bullying reluctant congressional Democrats, Johnson guaranteed the protections of civil rights and voting rights to black citizens, created Medicare and Medicaid and built large public-housing developments while also launching public broadcasting.
在他完成这一切之前,林登·约翰逊被视为自富兰克林·D·罗斯福带领美国走出大萧条以来最激进的改革者。
Before he was finished, LBJ was counted as the most aggressive reformer since FDR had guided America out of the Great Depression.
从英雄到弃儿 但他所发动的越南战争,尽管曾承诺不发动,却吞噬了约翰逊的总统任期。以至于他在被记得的时候,大多被视为现代民主党眼中的弃儿。
Hero to pariah But the war in Vietnam he had launched, after promising not to, was swallowing Johnson’s presidency. So much so that he is largely remembered as a pariah among modern-day Democrats, when he is remembered at all.
对曼达尼及其同类的教训是,在20世纪60年代末权力顶峰时期,林登·约翰逊突然遭到一些曾支持其议程并从中获益的人的抵制和批评。一个有据可查的例子说明了纽约市市长所面临的困境。
A lesson for Mamdani and his type is that at the height of his accomplishments in the late 1960s, LBJ suddenly faced resistance and criticism from some of the very people who had supported his agenda and benefited from it. A documented example illustrates the predicament New York’s mayor faces.
正如约瑟夫·卡利法诺(时任林登·约翰逊国内事务首席顾问)生动讲述的那样,总统在1967年种族动荡的夏天与顶尖民权领袖会面。
As recounted brilliantly by Joseph Califano, then LBJ’s chief domestic adviser, the president was meeting in the racially turbulent summer of 1967 with top civil-rights leaders.
他邀请他们到白宫,施压争取支持一项他希望能平息事态、降低种族紧张局势的举措。
He invited them to the White House to twist their arms and get their support for a move he hoped would calm the waters and lower the racial temperature.
在《林登·约翰逊的悲剧与胜利》一书中,卡利法诺写道,总统的客人——全国有色人种协进会领袖罗伊·威尔金斯和城市联盟执行主任惠特尼·杨——并不买账约翰逊关于如何最好地应对底特律和纽瓦克近期骚乱的主张。
In “The Tragedy and Triumph of Lyndon Johnson,” Califano writes that the president’s guests, NAACP leader Roy Wilkins and Urban League Executive Director Whitney Young, weren’t buying what Johnson was selling on how best to respond to recent riots in Detroit and Newark.
卡利法诺指出,尽管威尔金斯和杨大体上认同约翰逊的议程,但他们对暴力感到绝望,并表示无法控制年轻的骚乱者。正是在那时,约翰逊开始生动地攻击其党内左翼的对手。
Although they were largely in accordance with Johnson’s agenda, Wilkins and Young were in despair over the violence, and said they couldn’t control the young rioters, Califano notes. It was then that Johnson started graphically attacking opponents in his party’s left wing.
“自由主义者不容忍其他观点。他想控制你的思想和行动,”约翰逊宣称。卡利法诺随后描述,总统在椅子上前倾,抛出了令人难忘的笑点。
“A liberal is intolerant of other views. He wants to control your thoughts and actions,” Johnson declared. Califano then describes the president moving forward in his chair to deliver the unforgettable punch line.
“你知道食人族和自由主义者的区别吗?食人族只吃他们的敌人。”总统并未得到真正的解脱,在批评者的不断追击下,约翰逊于1968年3月抛出震撼弹,宣布他将把剩余任期用于结束战争,且不寻求连任。
“You know the difference between cannibals and liberals? Cannibals eat only their enemies.”The president found no real relief, and hounded relentlessly by critics, Johnson dropped a bombshell in March of 1968 by declaring that he would devote his remaining time in office to ending the war, and would not seek re-election.
无法知道曼达尼是否会迎来这样的结局,但他若忽视部分同志的不满迹象,将是愚蠢的。哪一边?
It’s impossible to know if such an outcome awaits Mamdani, but he would be foolish to miss the signs of discontent from some of his comrades. Which side?
正如ICE枪击案所揭示的,他们的忠诚可能在瞬间崩溃,一旦他不支持他们全部或部分古怪的想法。他们并不认同他必须采取更多行动来提升公共安全的观点。
As the ICE shooting reveals, their loyalty could collapse the minute he does not support any or all of their zany ideas. They are not on board with the idea that he must take more actions to enhance public safety.
另一方面,讲求常识的纽约人认为,让受欢迎且成功的蒂施继续留在纽约警局,是他迄今为止做出的最佳决定。
On the other hand, common-sense minded New Yorkers believe that keeping the popular and successful Tisch at the NYPD is his best decision by far.
他接受并吹嘘了她任职期间犯罪率创历史新低的记录,表明他希望保护甚至扩大公共安全。但不要误会,他们之间的合作还将面临更多考验。
He has embraced and boasted about the record-low crime rates during her tenure, showing that he wants to preserve and even expand public safety. But make no mistake, more tests of their partnership are coming.
警察工作的性质本身就意味着,必然会发生一些激怒仇警的极左派的事件,这将迫使曼达尼做出选择。
The very nature of police work inevitably means there will be incidents that inflame the cop-hating far left, and will force Mamdani to make a choice.
如果他在某个敏感案件上与蒂施持有冲突的立场,他们精心培育的关系可能瞬间瓦解。
If he and Tisch take conflicting positions on a hot-button case, their carefully cultivated relationship could unravel in a heartbeat.
到目前为止,双方都不希望出现这种情况,但尚不清楚曼达尼是否真的已经从过去多年在他当选前,一贯谴责警察是欺凌者和种族主义者的热情左翼分子中转变过来。
So far, neither one wants that, but it remains to be seen if Mamdani has truly changed from the zealous leftist who, for years before his election, denounced cops as bullies and racists.
如今,这些警察就是他与由左翼领导的混乱之间唯一的屏障,但我担心他在危机时刻会出卖他们。
Those cops are now all that stands between him and leftist-led mayhem, but I fear he would sell them out in a crisis.
如果曼达尼对某件事是真正的信徒,那一定是那些帮助他上位市政厅的疯狂社会主义学说。
If Mamdani is a true believer in anything, it is in the insane socialist doctrines that helped propel him to City Hall.
在那些被这种黑暗邪教迷惑的同路人眼中,警察的职责不是保护公民免受罪犯侵害,而只是保护政府免受其自身公民的威胁。
To fellow travelers in that benighted cult, police are not here to protect citizens from criminals, but only to protect the government from its citizens.